Undersecretary Sherman on Addressing Potential Threats from Iran: Administration Perspectives on Implementing New Economic Sanctions One Year Later
Chairman Johnson, Ranking Member Senator Shelby, Distinguished Members of the Committee: thank you for inviting me to appear before you today to discuss the Obama Administration’s strategy to address the continued threat posed by the Iranian regime’s nuclear ambitions, its support for international terrorism, its destabilizing activities in the region, and its human rights abuses at home.
I would like to begin by dedicating this testimony to Philo Dibble, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near East Affairs, who passed away unexpectedly two weeks ago. Philo was an exceptionally well-respected career member of the Foreign Service who devoted most of his career to the Middle East. For the past year, he dedicated his deep regional expertise and knowledge to advancing our policy on Iran. The loss of his wisdom and leadership is a profound one for the Department and for our country.
The world today is unified to an unprecedented degree in its concern that a nuclear-armed Iran would undermine the stability of the Gulf region, the broader Middle East, and the global economy. In defiance of U.N. Security Council and IAEA Board of Governors resolutions, Iran has continued to expand its sensitive nuclear activities, and refuses to cooperate with the IAEA, raising strong, legitimate concerns about the purpose of the nuclear program. Beyond the nuclear issue, Iran continues its longstanding support to terrorist organizations such as Hizballah, Hamas, and Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ), as well as by its support to newer proxy militia groups in Iraq.
But, these efforts belie a regime that is actually far more vulnerable and weakened than it would like to project. 2011 has been a harsh wake-up for the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran’s government has failed in its efforts to co-opt uprisings in the Arab world and claim its 1979 revolution as inspiration. No popular movement in the region has looked to Iran as a model for change; the only entity that turned to Iran was another autocratic regime in Syria trying desperately to hang on to power. Iran has further undermined its standing among Muslims and further strained its bilateral relations in the region by helping the failing regime of Bashar al-Asad to brutally crack down against Syrian citizens. Misreading the stark warning message from the Arab Awakening, Iran’s government continues to arrest, imprison, and persecute Iranians who dare to ask for accountability and transparency from their government, as well as just and fair treatment for ethnic and religious minorities.
To address the multifaceted challenges posed by Iran’s regime – its flouting of its nuclear obligations, its nuclear weapons ambitions, its support for terrorism, its destabilizing activities in the region, and its human rights abuses at home – the U.S. has led a sustained and broad international campaign to exact steep costs for the regime and to complicate its ability to pursue these policies. Iran today faces tough economic sanctions and broad diplomatic pressure, and though it aspires to regional and even global leadership, its current policies have made it an outcast among nations.
American policy regarding Iran remains unambiguous. First and foremost, we must prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Its illicit nuclear activity is one of the greatest global concerns we face, and we will continue to increase the pressure until the Iranian regime engages the international community with seriousness and sincerity and resolves its concerns. But pressure is not an end unto itself. It may provide the impetus to Iranian action, but does not prescribe the measures that are necessary to build international confidence in Iranian nuclear intent. To that end, we have offered to meet with Iran and have proposed confidence-building and transparency arrangements that offered practical incentives. Unfortunately, Iran has failed time and again to reciprocate and to take advantage of these opportunities. As a consequence, more than ever, world pressure is mounting on Iran. Last year, the United States led a successful effort in the UN Security Council to adopt Resolution 1929, which led to the toughest multilateral sanctions regime Iran has ever faced. The resolution strengthened previous UN resolutions and provided a platform upon which the European Union, Norway, Australia, Canada, South Korea, Switzerland, and Japan implemented strict domestic measures to bolster the measures of UNSCR 1929.
The efforts made by the Congress, by all of you, have also effectively sharpened American sanctions, particularly against Iran’s energy sector and the regime’s human rights abuses. When President Obama signed into law the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act (CISADA, which amended the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996) in early July, 2010, the Administration and the Congress sent an unmistakable signal of American resolve and purpose, expanding significantly the scope of our domestic sanctions and maximizing the impact of new multilateral measures. Since then, the Administration has imposed sanctions on a growing list of individuals and entities responsible for Iran’s expanding scope of unauthorized activities, and these sanctions are raising the cost, time, and energy required for Iran to pursue its current policies.
In September 2010, Secretary Clinton imposed the first sanctions any administration had ever imposed under the Iran Sanctions Act. To date, the State Department has sanctioned 10 foreign companies for doing business with Iran’s energy sector. Further, CISADA’s “special rule” has worked exactly as intended: it gave us the flexibility and leverage to persuade multinational energy firms Shell, Statoil, ENI, Total and INPEX to withdraw from all significant activity in Iran. The companies also provided clear assurances that they would not undertake any sanctionable activities in Iran’s energy sector in the future, and in doing so, forfeited billions of dollars of investments. In addition, Repsol abandoned negotiations over several phases of the South Pars gas field.
Other successes under CISADA include the fact that major energy traders like Russia’s Lukoil, India’s Reliance, Switzerland’s Vitol, Glencore, and Trafigura, Kuwait’s Independent Petroleum Group (IPG), Turkey’s Tupras, France’s Total, and Royal Dutch Shell have stopped sales of refined petroleum products to Iran. Iran has had to redirect production facilities from valuable petrochemical export production in order to manufacture refined petroleum for domestic sale. Furthermore, Reliance, India’s largest private refiner, announced in 2010 it would not import Iranian crude.
Investment in Iran’s upstream oil and gas sector has dropped dramatically, forcing Iran to abandon liquefied natural gas projects for lack of foreign investment and technical expertise, after Germany’s Linde, the only supplier of gas liquefaction technology to Iran, stopped all business with it. South Korea’s GS Engineering and Construction cancelled a $1.2 billion gas processing project in Iran. Outside of Iran, British Petroleum chose to shut down production from a North Sea platform co-owned with the Iranian Oil Company, to ensure compliance with EU sanctions. Trans-Adriatic Pipeline (TAP) partners announced that the pipeline, once constructed, would not be used to transport gas from Iran.
Iran’s national airline, Iran Air, is also paying the price for having its aircraft misused for proliferation purposes, and providing services to the IRGC. Most major fuel providers have terminated some or all of their Iran Air contracts, including British Petroleum, Royal Dutch Shell, Total, OMV, and Q8. Iran Air is finding it difficult to find sources to replace these suppliers, not to mention places to land.
Iran is increasingly isolated from the international financial system, as Under Secretary of Treasury Cohen’s testimony describes in detail. Virtually all of the world’s first-tier banks have concluded that the Iranian market is not worth the reputational risk posed by deceptive Iranian practices. They understand the consequences of both willfully and inadvertently facilitating an illicit transaction, and have severely curtailed their interactions with Iranian banks. The Administration is looking very closely at further measures that will drive home the message that any bank doing business with banks that do business with terrorists puts its own reputation at risk of international sanction and condemnation.
Iran’s shipping is also under international pressure. Large shipping companies such as Hong Kong-based NYK are withdrawing from the Iranian market, and reputable insurers and reinsurers such as Lloyd’s of London, no longer insure Iranian shipping. Iran’s shipping line IRISL, has been exposed for its complicity in the shipment of goods in violation of Security Council resolutions, as noted by the UN’s Iran Sanctions Committee. IRISL has been sanctioned by the United States, the EU, Japan, South Korea, and others. Difficulty in repaying loans and maintaining insurance coverage has led to the detention of at least seven IRISL ships. Major shipbuilding companies are refusing to build ships for IRISL. As a direct result of the international pressure we helped build, IRISL ships have a harder time finding ports of call, particularly in Europe.
Other major companies have voluntarily opted out of the Iranian market, including automotive firms Daimler (German), Toyota (Japanese), and Kia (South Korea), as well as Germany’s ThyssenKrupp. Caterpillar prohibited its non-U.S. subsidiaries from exporting to Iran. Switzerland’s ABB Ltd., Ingersoll-Rand Plc, and Huntsman Corp. have ended business with Iran.
The result of our strategy is an Iran that is isolated economically and finding dwindling options for doing business internationally. But, importantly, Iran is facing these problems because of targeted sanctions and the voluntary decision by international firms to exit the Iranian market. Our sanctions approach continues to seek to undermine Iran’s ability to engage in illicit conduct, with measures against Iran’s energy sector removing an invaluable source of funding that Iran could apply to that conduct. In spite of the high price of Iranian crude on world markets, Iran’s aggregate economy also seems to be weakening. These effects will increase as sanctions implementation continues to improve, especially if the recent decline in the price of crude oil continues.
These efforts are directed toward achieving our goals of persuading Iran to comply with its international obligations to prove the exclusively peaceful nature of its nuclear program and to engage constructively with the P5+1. On September 21, I participated in a meeting of the P5+1 countries in New York, where we and our partners, including Russia and China, reiterated longstanding and grave concerns about Iran’s installation of centrifuges at the formerly-covert enrichment plant at Qom, about its stepped up production of 20% enriched uranium, and about the possible military dimension of Iran’s program (a concern notably shared by the IAEA). We also reconfirmed the dual-track strategy of engagement and pressure. It was a strong and unified statement. It concluded that the P5+1 would be willing to hold another meeting with Iran, but only “if Iran is prepared to engage more seriously in concrete discussions aimed at resolving international concerns about its nuclear program.” If, however, Iran simply seeks to buy time to make further progress in its nuclear program, it will face ever-stronger pressures and ever-increasing international isolation.
We will continue to work with Congress as we implement both tracks of the dual-track policy. We believe that, in the short term, further improvements in international implementation, based on our current authorities, offer the best way to increase pressure on Iran. As Congress considers additional authorities, we would like to work with you to ensure that any additional steps we take will strengthen the international consensus and global pressure against Iran’s nuclear program. The most effective sanctions are those taken by a large portion of the international community, which requires close coordination with friends and allies, as well as a targeted approach. Convincing them to take action will require us to carefully calibrate our outreach to the individual circumstances of specific countries and sectors. It will also require flexibility to find creative and proactive tools to convince Iran that it cannot continue to pursue its nuclear ambitions.
Sanctions are doing more than raising the cost of continuing illicit nuclear activity; they are finally shining a spotlight on some of the individuals and entities perpetrating egregious human rights abuses against Iranian citizens. Using CISADA, we have designated 11 individuals and three entities for human rights violations, and we continue to compile more information and evidence that will allow us to identify more murderers, torturers, and religious persecutors. We have taken a firm stand on the Iranian regime’s violations of human rights, including the repression of religious minorities as exemplified by the death sentence that might have been imposed on Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani simply for following his own chosen religion had it not been for the immediate condemnation from world leaders, religious groups, and NGOs. At the same time, we are offering capacity-building training programs, media access, and exchanges to help Iranian civil society strengthen their calls for accountability, transparency, and rule of law. The Iranian opposition’s desire to operate without financial or other support from the United States is clear. We are committed to using available and effective diplomatic tools to assist those who want our assistance in speaking out and defending fundamental rights and freedoms. The United States will always support the Iranian people’s efforts to stop government-sanctioned harassment, detention, torture, imprisonment, and execution of anyone who dares express ideological, religious, or political differences from the regime’s repressive, totalitarian vision.
We engage regularly with like-minded countries to develop shared approaches to increase the pressure for a change in the Iranian government’s behavior. In July, the United States and United Kingdom, with the support of Canada, imposed visa restrictions on Iranian government officials and other individuals who were responsible for or participated in human rights abuses, including government ministers, military and law enforcement officers, and judiciary and prison officials. We welcome the European Union’s announcement this week of more than two dozen additional travel bans. There is absolutely no cause for allowing petty tyrants to trot around the globe while suffering and repression continues unabated inside Iran. International pressure and condemnation on this point is growing: We worked with Canada to pass a UN General Assembly resolution last year condemning Iran’s human rights abuses. This condemnation attracted a larger margin than any similar resolution in the past eight years. It may seem small, but every pro-regime vote we strip away on resolutions like this is one fewer fig leaf for the Iranian regime to hide behind as they murder and torture their own people, and we will continue to press measures large and small at every opportunity.
We were leaders in an effort in the UN Human Rights Council in March to create a Special Rapporteur on Iran, the first country-specific human rights rapporteur since the Council’s creation. Special Rapporteur Ahmed Shaheed, a former foreign minister of the Maldives and respected human rights advocate, will serve as an independent and credible voice to highlight human rights violations by the government of Iran. All of these multilateral efforts reinforce our strong domestic actions that prove that Iran’s attempts to undermine universal rights and deceive the world only further isolate it from the global community.
In my new role as Under Secretary for Political Affairs, I look forward to working closely and transparently with members of Congress to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, curtail its support for terrorism, make it more difficult for Iran to interfere in the region, and deter the regime from committing human rights abuses against its own people.
بیاینۀ کلینتون، وزیر امور خارجه
ادامۀ نقض حقوق بشر به وسیلۀ ایران
گزارشهایی که از ادامۀ سرکوب توسط دولت ایران علیه مردم خود حکایت دارند موجبات نگرانی عمیق ایالات متحده را فراهم ساخته اند. علیرغم اظهارات مقام رهبری و رئیس جمهوری ایران دایر بر ادعای حمایت از حقوق و آزادی های شهروندان ایرانی و مردم منطقه، دولت به سرکوب همۀ اشکال دگراندیشی، ابراز عقیده و اجتماعات ادامه می دهد.
ما بویژه از بابت گزارشهای مربوط به صدور حکم اعدام برای کشیش یوسف ندرخانی به اتهام ارتداد، به این سبب که او حاضر به نفی ایمان مذهبی خود نیست، احساس نگرانی می کنیم. این حکم در بحبوحۀ یورشهای خشونت بار علیه پیروان ادیان گوناگون، مشتمل بر زرتشتیان، صوفیان و بهاییان صادرشده است.
دولت ایران به دستگیری روزنامه نگاران و فیلمسازان ادامه می دهد. آنها [مقامات ایرانی] با ایجاد اختلال در پخش برنامه های ماهواره ای و فیلتر کردن اینترنت از دسترسی به اطلاعات جلوگیری می کنند.
ایالات متحده همراه با جامعۀ بین المللی و همۀ ایرانیان مراتب مخالفت خود را با اظهارات و اقدامات ریاکارانۀ دولت ایران ابراز می دارد و ما ایران را همچنان به رعایت حقوق و آزادی های همۀ کسانی که در ایران زندگی می کنند فرا می خوانیم.
The United States is deeply concerned by reports of the Iranian government’s continued repression of its people. Despite statements from Iran’s Supreme Leader and President claiming support for the rights and freedoms of Iranian citizens and people in the region, the government continues its crackdown on all forms of dissent, belief, and assembly.
We are particularly concerned by reports that Christian pastor Youcef Nadarkhani is facing execution on charges of apostasy for refusing to recant his faith. This comes amid a harsh onslaught against followers of diverse faiths, including Zoroastrians, Sufis, and Baha’is.
Iran’s government continues to arrest journalists and filmmakers. They are restricting access to information by jamming incoming satellite broadcasts and filtering the Internet.
The United States stands with the international community and all Iranians against the Iranian government’s hypocritical statements and actions, and we continue to call for a government that respects the human rights and freedom of all those living in Iran.
The United States condemns the conviction of Pastor Youcef Nadarkhani. Pastor Nadarkhani has done nothing more than maintain his devout faith, which is a universal right for all people. That the Iranian authorities would try to force him to renounce that faith violates the religious values they claim to defend, crosses all bounds of decency, and breaches Iran’s own international obligations. A decision to impose the death penalty would further demonstrate the Iranian authorities’ utter disregard for religious freedom, and highlight Iran’s continuing violation of the universal rights of its citizens. We call upon the Iranian authorities to release Pastor Nadarkhani, and demonstrate a commitment to basic, universal human rights, including freedom of religion.
We are deeply disappointed that Iranian judicial authorities have sentenced Shane Bauer and Joshua Fattal to 8 years in prison. We continue to call and work for their immediate release — it is time for them to return home and be reunited with their families.
I join President Obama and the people of the United States in expressing our unflagging support for Shane, Joshua, Sarah and their families during this difficult time.
Today, the United States and the United Kingdom imposed visa restrictions on officials of the Government of Iran and other individuals who have participated in human rights abuses in Iran. And Canada has announced its support for increased measures against these perpetrators. Iranian officials subject to this visa ban include government ministers, military and law enforcement officers, and judiciary and prison officials.
Today’s actions are an important reminder to Iran that the international community will continue to hold accountable those officials who commit human rights abuses and suppress the democratic aspirations of fellow citizens. Until the Iranian government brings human rights abusers to justice and protects its citizens, the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, and other partners will stand up on behalf of the Iranian people.
We are dismayed over reports that the Iranian courts are requiring Youcef Nadarkhani to recant his Christian faith or face the death penalty for apostasy – a charge based on his religious beliefs. If carried out, it would be the first execution for apostasy in Iran since 1990.
He is just one of thousands who face persecution for their religious beliefs in Iran, including the seven leaders of the Baha’i community whose imprisonment was increased to 20 years for practicing their faith and hundreds of Sufis who have been flogged in public because of their beliefs.
While Iran’s leaders hypocritically claim to promote tolerance, they continue to detain, imprison, harass, and abuse those who simply wish to worship the faith of their choosing.
We join the international community in continuing to call on the Iranian government to respect the fundamental rights of all its citizens and uphold its international commitments to protect them.
Today, the United States imposed sanctions on Tidewater Middle East Company, an operator of Iranian ports owned by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) that has links to Iranian proliferation activities. We also imposed sanctions against Iran Air, which was designated for providing material support and services to the IRGC and Iran’s Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics (MODAFL), and also has facilitated proliferation-related activities. Today’s sanctions also exposed an Iranian individual and entity for their ties to a company that provided support and weapons to Hizballah on behalf of the IRGC.
The IRGC’s illicit activities and its increasing displacement of the legitimate Iranian private sector in major strategic industries, including in the commercial and energy sectors, are deeply troubling. The IRGC also serves as the domestic “enforcer” for the Iranian regime, continues to play an important proliferation role by orchestrating the import and export of prohibited items to and from Iran, is involved in support of terrorism throughout the region, and is responsible for serious human rights abuses against peaceful Iranian protestors and other opposition participants.
Preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons is a top U.S. Government priority and we remain deeply concerned about Iran’s nuclear intentions. The United States is committed to a dual-track policy of applying pressure in pursuit of constructive engagement, and a negotiated solution.
On June 9, 2011, the P5+1 countries (China, France, Germany, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom, and the United States) reaffirmed their concerns about Iran’s nuclear program and their commitment to a diplomatic solution in their statement to the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Board of Governors. Many other governments have also expressed serious concerns about the behavior and policies of the Iranian leadership and have urged Iran to change course and seek a path of negotiation. Yet, in the face of this unified international message, Iran has continued to violate its international obligations and disregard our attempts to start meaningful negotiations over its nuclear program.
For this reason, the United States is convinced that the international community must continue to increase and broaden the scope of pressures on Iran. We welcome steps such as the European Union’s designation of more than 100 entities and individuals last month and the improved implementation of sanctions against Iran that we are seeing around the world.
This month, the United States amplified our sanctions against Iran’s leadership through a comprehensive initiative aimed at Iran’s dangerous behavior–its continued proliferation activities, its human rights abuses, and its destabilizing activities in the region.
On June 9, we sanctioned the Iranian security forces for human rights abuses. Earlier this week, we continued our efforts against the Islamic Republic of Iran Shipping Lines (IRISL), which the UN Security Council 1737 Sanctions Committee noted has been involved in several violations of UN Security Council resolutions on Iran.
The steps we have taken this week seek to limit Iran’s ability to use the global financial system to pursue illicit activities. We have made important progress in isolating Iran, but we cannot waver. Our efforts must be unrelenting to sharpen the choice for Iran’s leaders to abandon their dangerous course.
The United States and our partners remain fully committed to a diplomatic solution with Iran. However, until Iran is prepared to engage seriously with us on such a solution, we will continue to increase pressure against Iranian entities of concern.
FACT SHEET: Department of Treasury and State Announce Sanctions of Iranian Security Forces for Human Rights Abuses
The Departments of the Treasury and State today imposed sanctions against three entities and one individual at the core of Iran’s security apparatus for being responsible for or complicit in serious human rights abuses in Iran since the June 2009 disputed presidential election. Today’s action targeted Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Basij Resistance Force (Basij), and Iran’s national police and its Chief – all of which share responsibility for the sustained and severe violation of human rights in Iran.
“Today’s action exposes Iran’s willingness to turn the machinery of the state, at its highest levels, against its own people to violently suppress their democratic aspirations,” said Office of Foreign Assets Control Director Adam Szubin. “As long as this denial of basic human rights continues, we will remain vigilant in our efforts to isolate those responsible from the international financial system.”
Today’s action was taken pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13553, signed by President Obama in September 2010, targeting human rights abuses engaged in by officials of the Government of Iran and persons acting on behalf of the Government of Iran since the June 2009 election. As a result of today’s action, any property in the United States or in the possession or control of U.S. persons in which the designees have an interest is blocked, and U.S. persons are prohibited from engaging in transactions with them. The designees, and all members of the designated entities, are also subject to visa sanctions by the Department of State.
State Department Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor Michael Posner added, “By designating the IRGC, the Basij and the national police, we demonstrate that law enforcement agencies not only have a responsibility to enforce the law but also live up to universal human rights commitments and Iran’s own constitution.”
The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
Formed by Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini in the aftermath of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the IRGC was responsible for guarding and preserving the frontiers of the country and safeguarding the nascent revolution. In recent years, however, the IRGC has increased its involvement with internal threats to the regime, suppressing political dissent since the contested June 2009 presidential election.
The IRGC is responsible for the serious human rights abuses that have occurred since the contested June 12, 2009, presidential election, including the violent crackdowns on protests and the mistreatment of political detainees held in a ward of Tehran’s Evin prison controlled by the IRGC.
The Treasury Department previously designated the IRGC pursuant to E.O. 13382 in October 2007, which targets proliferators of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and their supporters.
The Basij Resistance Force
The Basij is a paramilitary force subordinate to the IRGC. As one of Iran’s primary guarantors of domestic security, the Basij has been heavily involved in the violent crackdowns and serious human rights abuses occurring in Iran since the June 2009 contested presidential election. The Basij have been implicated in attacks on university students, abuse of detainees, and violence against peaceful protesters.
The Basij is also being designated today for being controlled by the IRGC. The United States designated Basij Commander Mohammed Reza Naqdi pursuant to E.O. 13553 in February 2011.
The Law Enforcement Forces (LEF)
Commonly referred to as Iran’s national police, the LEF is one of the Government of Iran’s main security apparatuses for maintaining domestic stability and played a key role in the government crackdown on protesters in the aftermath of the June 2009 election. Under the command of Ismail Ahmadi Moghadam, also designated today, the LEF was involved in the attack on the Tehran University dormitories in Tehran during which more than 100 people were wounded and subsequently transferred to a detention area where they suffered physical abuse at the hands of the LEF.
The LEF operated the notorious Kahrizak detention center, which was the site of serious human rights abuses against prisoners detained in the post-election protests, including assault and battery, and the deprivation of basic needs such as medical care, ultimately resulting in the deaths of three detainees.
Entity: Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
AKA: Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps
AKA: Islamic Revolutionary Corps
AKA: Pasdaran-e Enghelab-e Islami
AKA: Pasdaran-e Inqilab
AKA: Revolutionary Guard
AKA: Revolutionary Guards
AKA: Sepah Pasdaran
AKA: Sepah-e Pasdaran-e Enqelab-e Eslami
AKA: The Army of the Guardians of the Islamic Revolution
AKA: The Iranian Revolutionary Guards
Entity: Basij Resistance Force
AKA: Basij-e Melli
AKA: Mobilization of the Oppressed Organization
FKA: Sazman Basij Melli
AKA: Sazman-e Moghavemat-e Basij
FKA: Vahed-e Basij-e Mostazafeen
FKA: National Mobilization Organization
AKA: National Resistance Mobilization
AKA: Resistance Mobilization Force
Entity: Law Enforcement Forces of the Islamic Republic of Iran
AKA: Iranian Police
AKA: Iran’s Law Enforcement Forces
AKA: Niruyih Intizamiyeh Jumhuriyih Islamiyih Iran
Individual: Moghadam, Ismail Ahmadi
AKA: Ahmadi-Moghaddam, Esma’il
AKA: Ahmadi-Moqaddam, Esma’il
AKA: Moghaddam, Esameel Ahmadi
AKA: Moghaddam, Ismail Ahmadi
POB: Tehran, Iran